Background
In 2012, the city’s Office of Child Support Enforcement
(OCSE) collected $749 million from noncustodial parents
(NCPs), continuing a significant upward trend in child
support collections (all years are city fiscal years unless
otherwise noted). Over 90 percent of the funds collected go
to families, providing a vital source of financial support
to thousands of custodial parents and children including
many from low-income households.
The child support office operates under federal and state
law, enabling it to collect court-ordered child support from
noncustodial parents throughout the country. Congress began
the child support program in 1975, and strengthened its
enforcement mechanisms in 1996 as part of the welfare reform
law. The federal Office of Child Support Enforcement works
through state and local agencies to carry out its legal
mandate. In New York State the governing agency is the
Division of Child Support Enforcement within the Office of
Temporary and Disability Assistance, Center for Child
Well-Being, while New York City OCSE is part of the Human
Resources Administration (HRA). Unless otherwise noted,
throughout the rest of this paper, OCSE refers to the city’s
child support enforcement unit.
Total spending for operation of the city’s OCSE in 2012 was
$64 million. About one third of its budget is city funds,
with federal funds accounting for the vast majority of the
rest. The child support agency has a full time staff of
about 810.
This report examines the city’s child support enforcement
process; the factors behind the steady increase in child
support collections in recent years; and the fiscal benefits
to the city, state, and federal governments of providing
child support services to custodial parents and children.
A Change in Approach. When it was created in 1975, the primary purpose of the national child support program was to recover welfare costs. As such the emphasis was on punitive measures to pressure noncustodial parents who had fallen behind on their court ordered payments to make good on their child support debts. Over the years, however, there has been a gradual shift to a more family-centered focus that gives greater consideration to the needs of NCPs and their relationships with their children. The new approach focuses primarily on those noncustodial parents who lack regular employment or another source of income, and have limited ability to pay child support. Nationwide, most child support debt is owed by parents with no or low reported earnings. Over the past decade the federal government has provided grants and other incentives to encourage states to implement policies to establish more realistic child support orders, reduce child support debt, intervene early when parents begin to struggle to make payments, engage fathers in the lives of their children, improve family relationships, and increase noncustodial parent employment.1 In response, New York officials have initiated a number of new policies and programs. In 2006, New York State became the first state to enact an earned income tax credit for low-income noncustodial parents who are up to date on their child support payment.
Following the state, New York City has enacted a similar tax
credit for low-income noncustodial parents. In addition,
OCSE and the Family Courts have established programs to deal
with a variety of challenges faced by many noncustodial
parents. The Support Through Employment Program (STEP)
connects unemployed and underemployed NCPs with job search
and job placement assistance provided by HRA’s Back to Work
Vendors. From calendar years 2008 through 2012, the number
of STEP participants making child support payments increased
from 476 to 613. For low-income NCPs with high child support
arrears or orders far out of line with their income, the
child support office has established the Modify DSS Orders
(MDO), Arrears Cap, and Arrears Credit programs.
Participants in these debt reduction and order modification
programs have been shown to be more likely to continue
making child support payments.2 As of December 2012, 125
low-income noncustodial parents had their orders reduced
through MDO, and 944 NCPs had their arrears lowered by a
total of $10 million through the Arrears Cap program.
The new initiatives at OCSE also include programs to
encourage noncustodial parents to become more involved in
the lives of their children. The Parent Pledge Project
allows parents to create child support and co-parenting
agreements in a community setting. The agreements are
prepared and facilitated by a trained mediator who may
recommend parents be referred to parenting classes. The hope
is that, through a mediation process, the parents will be
encouraged to jointly support their children financially and
emotionally.3
Child Support Cases and Collections
Even with these new policies in place, significant challenges remain in establishing court orders for and collecting support payments from many noncustodial parents. These challenges are apparent in the caseload information provided by HRA, which includes breakouts based on whether the custodial parents are currently on cash assistance, were formerly on cash assistance, or were never on cash assistance.
The Challenges of Securing
Child Support Collections |
||||
Average Number of Cases Per Month |
Total
|
Current Cash Assistance
|
Former Cash Assistance
|
Never Cash
Assistance
|
Total Cases (with and without orders) |
406,866 |
68,750 |
191,477 |
146,639 |
Cases with Orders |
284,686 |
34,080 |
136,619 |
113,987 |
Cases with Orders as % of Total Cases |
70.0% |
49.6% |
71.4% |
77.7% |
Cases with a Collection: |
124,872 |
13,139 |
44,783 |
66,950 |
Cases with a Collection as % of Cases with Orders
|
43.9% |
38.6% |
32.8% |
58.7% |
Total Annual Collections (in millions) |
$748.8
|
$35.7
|
$216 .0 |
$497.1
|
Collections per Case with Order |
$2,630 |
$1,048 |
$1,581 |
$4,361 |
Collections per Case with a Collection |
$5,997 |
$2,718 |
$4,824 |
$7,425 |
SOURCES: Human Resources Administration; New York
State Office of Temporary and Disabilty Assistance
New
York City Independent Budget Office |
In fiscal year 2012, in an average month there were 407,000
open cases at the child support office. Of the open cases,
285,000, or 70 percent, had established child support
orders. Some of the cases without orders were new cases that
needed more time for a court order to be established. In
others a court order could not be established due to
difficulties in confirming paternity. In addition, if a
custodial parent not on cash assistance fails to appear in
court after having received two opportunities, the case is
dismissed.4 But in many cases the NCP could not be located
and a summons could not be served. Some of these missing
individuals do not want to be found or are transient, appear
on no lease or tenant directory, and have no employer.
The likelihood of establishing a court order is related to cash assistance status; only 50 percent of OCSE cases currently on cash assistance had received a court order, compared with 71 percent of cases that were formerly on cash assistance, and 78 percent of cases that were never on cash assistance. This pattern suggests the linkage between the economic status of both the custodial parent and the noncustodial parent and the likelihood of receiving a child support order. Those that are better off economically are more likely to have steady jobs and residences and are therefore easier to locate and serve a summons, a necessary step in establishing a court order.
Even when a court order is established there is no guarantee
that payments will be made on a regular basis. In an average
month in 2012, there were child support collections for
125,000 cases, or 44 percent of all cases with orders. The
case collection rate is held down by a number of factors.
About a third of the cases with orders are arrears-only
cases, meaning that they have no ongoing obligations but are
being held open only because of old child support debts.
These cases can be difficult to clear and can remain on the
rolls for many months or even years. In addition, many
ongoing or actively charging cases receive collections
sporadically. Some of the others are temporarily assigned
orders for zero dollars due to the fact that the
noncustodial parent is unemployed and has no current income;
these cases continue to be listed as open cases with orders.
Still other cases include NCPs who operate on the margins of
the economy and can be difficult to track, even after a
court order is established. It is notable that the
collection rate is significantly higher when measured in
terms of dollars rather than cases; in an average month
about 70 percent of the court-ordered obligation owed by
ongoing cases is paid.
The collection rate for cases with court orders is also
significantly related to cash assistance status, with 59
percent of cases that were never on cash assistance making
payments in an average month, compared with only 39 percent
of cases currently on cash assistance and 33 percent of
cases formerly on cash assistance. The higher collection
rate from noncustodial parents in the former group likely
results from their stronger financial condition relative to
those in the cash assistance groups, leaving them better
able to make payments and easier for OCSE to track and, if
necessary, to apply enforcement remedies for nonpayment.
Measured in terms of dollars, in an average month 73 percent
of obligations are paid by ongoing cases with orders that
were never on cash assistance, compared with 47 percent for
cases currently on cash assistance and 70 percent for cases
formerly on cash assistance.
A Range of
Services and Enforcement Tools
If the noncustodial parent’s home or work addresses are
unknown, OCSE will do a computerized search to locate him
even if he lives in another state.6 After the NCP is
located, a petition for a child support hearing is filed in
the New York State Family Courts, whether or not the NCP
resides in the state, and a summons is served. For new cases
and those requesting modification of an existing order, the
summons is served by priority mail. If the noncustodial
parent fails to show up at the first hearing or a violation
petition has been filed, OCSE provides personal service of
the summons through the Sheriff’s office.
If paternity cannot be established voluntarily, it can be
established at a family court hearing where an order of
filiation will be issued. If necessary this process can
include DNA testing. Once paternity is established, the
information about the father is sent to the New York State
Putative Father Registry.
Child support orders are established in family court by a
Support Magistrate. A child support order must include basic
support and medical support. In New York State basic support
awards are generally set at a fixed percentage of the income
of both parents, depending on how many children are covered
by the order. These percentages are applied to almost all
parental earnings up to $136,000, excluding withholdings for
Medicare, Social Security, and New York City taxes, and
other child or spousal support actually paid. State and
federal taxes are not excluded. The share of income to be
set aside for child support varies from 17 percent for one
child to at least 35 percent for five or more children. For
cases where the parents’ earnings exceed $136,000, the court
can choose whether or not to use the percentage guidelines.
In addition, the court may, under certain circumstances,
deviate from the formula.
Medical support includes health insurance and payments for
out-of-pocket medical expenses for the child. The nature of
the medical support included in the court order will vary
with the circumstances, including the availability of health
insurance plans for both parents. In addition to basic
support and medical support, the noncustodial parent may be
required to pay for a share of the child care and
educational expenses for the child.
Child support orders are generally payable through OCSE’s
Support Collection Unit which collects the payments and
distributes them to custodial parents through a direct
deposit to their banks, state debit cards, or the Electronic
Benefit Transfer cards of cash assistance clients. Once an
order is established, the employer of the NCP is required to
make regular payroll withholdings and forward the amount to
OCSE. Nearly three-quarters of child support collections are
processed through employer wage withholdings. Child support
payments can also be taken directly from other sources of
income including pensions, military allowance, Social
Security, disability, and unemployment insurance.
Noncustodial parents who are self-employed or have other
sources of income are responsible for making direct payments
to OCSE.
OCSE has the authority to enforce child support orders
through various administrative and judicial means. If
noncustodial parents fall behind in making their court
ordered payments, the agency can temporarily increase the
amount collected until the debt is paid off. It can also
intercept one-time sources of income such as tax refunds and
lottery prizes. OCSE also reports delinquent NCPs to the
credit bureaus, and can deny or suspend drivers’ licenses,
passports, and professional, business and occupational
licenses. If these measures are unsuccessful, the agency can
move to place a lien on their property or even refer them
for criminal prosecution. In calendar year 2011, “OCSE
collected $8 million through claims on lawsuit settlements
or inherited property, after suspending NCP’s driver
licenses, and through other special enforcement actions.”7
As a result of their higher collection rate and larger
court-ordered obligations based on income, cases with
collections that were never on cash assistance have
significantly higher annual average child support payments:
$7,400 compared with $4,800 for cases formerly on cash
assistance and $2,700 for cases currently on cash
assistance.
Trends in Child Support Collections
In recent years child support collections at OCSE have steadily increased. From 2007 through 2012, collections increased from $602 million to $749 million, or 24 percent. Even after adjusting for inflation, collections rose by 11 percent over this five-year period. In this section we will examine why this increase has come about.
A Shift Away
from Cash Assistance Cases |
|||
Cases with
Orders |
2007 |
2012
|
Percentage Point Change |
Current Cash Assistance |
13.1% |
12% |
-1.1 |
Former Cash Assistance |
55.4% |
48% |
-7.4 |
Never Cash Assistance |
31.5% |
40% |
8.5 |
SOURCE: Human Resources Administration
New York City
Independent Budget Office |
One possible explanation is that the upward trend in
collections merely reflects an increase in the number of
child support cases handled by OCSE. However, the average
number of open cases decreased slightly from 413,000 in 2007
to 407,000 in 2012 or about 2 percent. Similarly, the
average number of cases with orders decreased from 297,000
to 285,000, or 4 percent. On the other hand, it does appear
that some of the increase in collections resulted from
greater success in securing payments from noncustodial
parents with orders, with the share making payments in an
average month rising from 38 percent to 44 percent. (After
accounting for the changing composition of the caseload by
cash assistance status, the share making payments increased
from 38 percent to 42 percent.) As a result, even as the
overall caseload decreased, the average number of NCPs
making payments increased by 11 percent from 112,000 to
125,000 over this five-year period. In addition, the average
collection (for cases with collections) grew by 12 percent,
from $5,400 to $6,000, further contributing to the overall
rise in collections.
The recent trend in collections, however, varied
significantly by cash assistance status. In fact, among
cases currently on cash assistance, aggregate child support
collections decreased by 9 percent over this five-year
period. The decrease in collections resulted primarily from
the diminishing size of this group, with total cases down by
4 percent, cases with orders down by 13 percent, and average
cases with a collection by 9 percent. The reduction in OCSE
cases on cash assistance reflects the overall reduction in
the average number of families on public assistance, which
decreased 9 percent from 2007 through 2012. The average
child support collection among this group was largely
unchanged. The reduction in aggregate collections would have
been even greater had it not been for an increase in the
share of noncustodial parents making payments from 37
percent to 39 percent, which likely resulted in part from
the new efforts to engage low-income NCPs—in this instance
cases on cash assistance—in supporting their children.
Among former cash assistance cases, aggregate child support
collections increased by a modest 7 percent from 2007
through 2012. The reduction in the number of cases among
this group was even greater than for current cash assistance
cases, with total cases down by 12 percent, and cases with
orders by 17 percent, a reflection of long-term trends in
public assistance. Since the mid-1990s welfare reform has
led to a sharp reduction in the number of public assistance
recipients. Therefore, each year there are fewer city
residents who were formerly on cash assistance and who still
have minor children who would be legally eligible for child
support. Offsetting this shrinking caseload was a
considerably improved collections rate for cases with
orders, with the share of NCPs making payments increasing
from 28 percent to 33 percent. In addition, the average
annual collection for cases with collections was up by 9
percent.
For cases in which the custodial parent was never on cash
assistance, aggregate child support collections increased by
38 percent. In fact, more than 90 percent of the total
growth in collections from 2007 through 2012 occurred among
this group. Much of this growth resulted from a significant
increase in the caseload, with total cases up by 17 percent,
cases with orders up by 22 percent, and cases with
collections up by 29 percent. In addition, the collections
rate for cases with orders increased from 55 percent to 59
percent. The average annual collection for cases with
collections was up by 7 percent.
The variation among the cash assistance status groups makes it clear that a major factor driving higher collections is the changing composition of the OCSE caseload. Among child support cases with orders, the share that had never been on cash assistance increased by 8 percentage points, from 32 percent in 2007 to 40 percent in 2012, while the shares of the other two groups declined. During this same time period, the nationwide share of child support cases with orders that had never been on cash assistance increased by a more modest 4 percentage points, from 41 percent to 45 percent.5 The more pronounced shift toward child support cases that have never relied on cash assistance in New York City is due at least in part to efforts by city officials. In recent years OCSE has expanded its outreach and educational efforts. The agency reaches out directly to parents and works with nonprofit groups and other city agencies to educate the community about the value of the formal child support program. As part of these efforts, OCSE has begun to produce an annual report and to host an annual policy conference that examines the benefits of child support.
Fewer Child Support Cases, But Increased Collections |
|||
|
Average
Number of Cases per Month In
Fiscal Year
|
||
2007 |
2012 |
Change |
|
Total Cases (with and without orders) |
413,423 |
406,866 |
-1.6% |
Cases with Orders |
297,418 |
284,686 |
-4.3% |
Cases with Orders as % of Total Cases
|
71.9% |
70.0% |
|
Cases with a Collection: |
112,108 |
124,872 |
11.4% |
Cases with a Collection as % of Cases with Orders
|
37.7% |
43.9% |
|
Total Annual Collections
(in millions) |
$601.9 |
$748.8 |
24.4% |
Collections per Case with Order |
$2,024 |
$2,630 |
30.0% |
Collections per Case with a Collection
|
$5,369 |
$5,997 |
11.7% |
SOURCES: Human
Resources Administration; New York State Office of
Temporary and Disability Assistance
New York City
Independent Budget Office |
Given the long-term decline in the number of cash assistance
recipients, it is probable that the agency’s outreach
efforts will result in a child support caseload that is
increasingly composed of cases with noncustodial parents who
are relatively better off financially. As we have seen,
cases in which the custodial parent has never been on cash
assistance are more likely to have court orders, have higher
rates of collection, and have higher average collections
than those cases where the parents have been part of the
public assistance system at some point. When combined with
the increasing success that OCSE has had in enforcing child
support orders, this change in the composition of the
caseload could result in further increases in child support
collections in future years.
The Fiscal Benefits of Child Support Collections
While providing significant financial support to custodial
parents and their children, the child support collections
that result from the actions taken by OCSE also provide
significant fiscal benefits to the city, state, and federal
governments. The most direct benefit comes from the fact
that child support payments can be used to offset some cash
assistance grant costs. As mentioned earlier, custodial
parents applying for cash assistance are required to
cooperate with OCSE to establish a child support order. Once
collections begin, the custodial parent is allowed to keep a
portion of what is paid toward the current obligation
amount—$100 per month for one child or $200 for two or more
children—and the rest is retained by the agency to reimburse
the cash assistance program. In 2012, OCSE retained $26
million from current cash assistance cases. In addition, it
retained $24 million from arrears payments received by
former cash assistance cases to offset some of the grant
payments made to them while they were on the public
assistance rolls. Thus OCSE received a total of $50 million
in cash assistance offsets, equivalent to about
three-quarters of its budget. The offsets amount to nearly 4
percent of total cash assistance grants.
Besides offsetting some of the costs of the cash assistance
program, OCSE’s child support collections likely decrease
the need for social services programs by increasing the
incomes of many families. While difficult to estimate, we
can get a sense of the potential magnitude of these
government savings. For instance, if 10 percent of the
44,800 former cash assistance cases who were receiving child
support collections in 2012 were able to remain off of
assistance because of these payments, then over $30 million
in total grant costs were avoided that year. There are
probable savings in other programs as well; for example, the
medical support payments that are part of most child support
court orders can be expected to keep many children off of
the Medicaid rolls. When combined with the cash assistance
offsets, this cost avoidance makes it likely that the city’s
child support enforcement program more than pays for itself.
In 2012, for instance, the total OCSE budget, including
city, state, and federal funds was $64 million. Since the
agency received $50 million in cash assistance offsets from
child support collections, savings from the decreased need
for social service programs would only have needed to total
$14 million to offset the remaining cost of the child
support program.
Conclusion
The child support enforcement program has undergone a
significant evolution in its goals and philosophy. When it
was created by Congress in 1975, the primary purpose of the
program was to recover welfare costs, and the emphasis was
on punitive measures to pressure noncustodial parents to
fulfill their child support obligations. Over the years,
however, there has been a gradual shift to a more
family-centered service delivery model which gives greater
consideration to the needs of noncustodial parents and their
relationships with their children. In New York City this has
led to the implementation of programs to help noncustodial
parents find and maintain employment, reduce their child
support debts, and engage in the lives of their children.
These new programs, which focus on low-income parents, have
been associated with an increase in collection rates for
cases with child support orders.
OCSE is now undergoing another major change as its caseload
gradually shifts from families who have at one time or
another received cash assistance through the welfare system
to those who have never been part of that system. As a
result of the welfare reform policies of the 1990s, the
number of families with minor children who are current or
former public assistance recipients continues to shrink. At
the same time, expanded outreach efforts by OCSE have
increased demand for child support services from custodial
parents who have never received cash assistance. Families in
this category are generally better off financially, and the
noncustodial parents are more likely to receive court
orders, have higher compliance rates, and make much higher
average payments. The increased demand for child support
services from this group suggests that OCSE will continue to
supply a vital source of income support for thousands of New
York City families.
Report prepared by Paul Lopatto
Endnotes
1United States Office of Child
Support Enforcement, Child Support Fact Sheet Series, 2011
2New York City Office of Child
Support Enforcement, Annual Reports for 2011 and 2012
3New York City Office of Child
Support Enforcement, Annual Reports for 2011 and 2012
4For cash assistance cases, the
custodial parent’s attendance is not required to establish a
child support order. Provided that OCSE can prove that a
summons has been served, a default order can be obtained.
She must be present if paternity has not been determined.
5United States Office of Child
Support Enforcement, Annual Reports for 2011 and 2012
6In the majority of cases the
noncustodial parent is the father. According to a recent
nationwide study, in families with children under 21 where
one parent was living with the children and the other parent
was not living in the home, only 17.8 percent of the
custodial parents were fathers. Among the subset of
custodial parents with formal child support agreements or
awards, only 10.7 percent were fathers. United States Census
Bureau, Custodial Mothers and Fathers and Their Child
Support: 2009, December 2011.
7New York City Office of Child
Support Enforcement, Annual Report for 2011
PDF version available here.
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